Binnabook: History and Inventions

Readers Stats

Search on Binnabook


Showing posts with label History and Inventions. Show all posts
Showing posts with label History and Inventions. Show all posts

Throwback: 1956 Queen Elizabeth II and Prince Philip Met His Majesty Obi Of Onitsha at Ime Obi Palace in Onitsha

The Queen of England and  Prince Philip met the Obi of Onitsha, His Majesty Obi Okosi in Onitsha during the British royal tour of Nigeria in 1956. With them was the great Zik of Africa, Nnamdi Azikiwe

The Duke of Edinburgh Prince Philip passed away at the age of 99 Years- Brief History and Family Background

 Prince Philip has died peacefully at Windsor Castle at the age of 99, just weeks after he was released from a London hospital and reunited with the Queen.

The Duke of Edinburgh, who had recently been treated for a pre-existing heart condition and an infection, died on Friday morning, just two months before his 100th birthday.

A statement from Buckingham Palace said: “It is with deep sorrow that Her Majesty The Queen has announced the death of her beloved husband, His Royal Highness The Prince Philip, Duke of Edinburgh.

"His Royal Highness passed away peacefully this morning at Windsor Castle.

"Further announcements will made in due course. The Royal Family join with people around the world in mourning his loss."

The flags in Downing Street were lowered to half-mast following the announcement.

The Duke of Edinburgh was once described by the Queen as her "strength and stay" and has been a constant presence by her side for more than 70 years.

Born in 1921, Philip served in the Royal Navy and has become known over the years for his jokes and gaffes.

After he first met the Queen, Elizabeth "never looked at anyone else" and once Philip proposed his destiny as royal consort was sealed.

Putting aside his own career ambitions, he proved his strong sense of duty serving the country through hundreds of engagements every year, refusing to stop working even in his 90s.

He became patron or president of 800 organisations, founded the Duke of Edinburgh Awards in 1956 and won a place in the nation's hearts for his no-nonsense attitude and witty quips, or "gaffes".

He leaves behind four children, eight grandchildren and eight great-grandchilden.

Philip bowed out of public life in August 2017, retiring at the age of 96 with 22,219 solo engagements to his name.

It was perhaps an unexpected path for the boy born on June 10, 1921 on the Greek Island of Corfu and descended from Greek and Danish royalty.

While not exactly from humble beginnings, Philip's childhood gave no clue that he would one day be the longest-serving British royal consort and a key figure at the heart of the world's most famous Royal Family.

His mother was Princess Alice of Battenberg and his father was Prince Andrew of Greece and Denmark and he was their only son with four older sisters.

His family was exiled from Greece when he was a baby and Philip was educated in France, Germany and the UK.

He eventually joined the British Navy in 1939 age 18 and served in the British Forces during WWII.

Elizabeth and Philip became secretly engaged in 1946, but the formal engagement was delayed until Elizabeth turned 21 in April 1947.

He changed his name to Mountbatten - the anglicised version of Battenberg - before the wedding in order to sound more British and they were married in Westminster Abbey on November 20 1947.

It was not long before the couple became parents with the birth of Prince Charles in November 1948 shortly followed by Princess Anne in 1950.

But on February 6 1952, a huge responsibility fell on Elizabeth's young shoulders when her father died and she became Queen aged just 25.

From that moment Philip's life also changed as his role became to support Elizabeth in her official duties.

Much later he admitted to the BBC about the job: "There was no precedent. If I asked somebody, 'What do you expect me to do?' they all looked blank.

"They had no idea, nobody had much idea." Nevertheless he worked to carve out a niche for himself.

Two more children followed - Prince Andrew in 1960 and Prince Edward in 1964 - and Philip assumed the role as head of the household at home if not in official life.

In public, he may have walked a step behind his wife, but there can be no underestimating the importance of Philip to the Queen's reign.

As she said herself in a speech for their Golden Wedding anniversary in 1997: “He has, quite simply, been my strength and stay all these years, and I, and his whole family, and this and many other countries, owe him a debt greater than he would ever claim, or we shall ever know.”

Today in History, On March 23, 1998, the President of U.S.A, Bill Clinton arrived in Ghana

 Today in History, On March 23, 1998, the President of U.S.A, Bill Clinton arrived in Ghana. His visit made him the first Sitting US president to ever visit the nation. His visit was part of a 12-day visit to 6 African countries and Ghana was the first African country he visited.

As the first United States president to visit Ghana, President Bill Clinton speaks to the people of Ghana about Africa’s growing appreciation for tolerance and human rights as well as improving U.S. ties with Ghana.


March 23, 1998: Remarks to the People of Ghana

Thank you. President and Mrs. Rawlings, honorable ministers, honorable members of the Council of State, honorable Members of Parliament, honorable members of the Judiciary, nananom [to the chiefs], and the people of Ghana. Mitsea mu. America fuo kyia mo [My greetings to you. Greetings from America]. Now you have shown me what akwaaba [welcome] really means. Thank you, thank you so much.

I am proud to be the first American President ever to visit Ghana and to go on to Uganda, Rwanda, South Africa, Botswana, and Senegal. It is a journey long overdue. America should have done it before, and I am proud to be on that journey. Thank you for welcoming me.

I want to listen and to learn. I want to build a future partnership between our two people, and I want to introduce the people of the United States, through my trip, to the new face of Africa. From Kampala to Cape Town, from Dakar to Dar-Es-Salaam, Africans are being stirred by new hopes for democracy and peace and prosperity.

Challenges remain, but they must be to all of you a call to action, not a cause for despair. You must draw strength from the past and energy from the promise of a new future. My dream for this trip is that together we might do the things so that, 100 years from now, your grandchildren and mine will look back and say this was the beginning of a new African renaissance.

With a new century coming into view, old patterns are fading away: The cold war is gone; colonialism is gone; apartheid is gone. Remnants of past troubles remain. But surely, there will come a time when everywhere reconciliation will replace recrimination. Now, nations and individuals finally are free to seek a newer world where democracy and peace and prosperity are not slogans but the essence of a new Africa.

Africa has changed so much in just 10 years. Dictatorship has been replaced so many places. Half of the 48 nations in sub-Saharan Africa choose their own governments, leading a new generation willing to learn from the past and imagine a future. Though democracy has not yet gained a permanent foothold even in most successful nations, there is everywhere a growing respect for tolerance, diversity, and elemental human rights. A decade ago, business was stifled. Now, Africans are embracing economic reform. Today from Ghana to Mozambique, from Cote d'Ivoire to Uganda, growing economies are fueling a transformation in Africa.

For all this promise, you and I know Africa is not free from peril: the genocide in Rwanda; civil wars in Sierra Leone, Liberia, both Congos; pariah states that export violence and terror; military dictatorship in Nigeria; and high levels of poverty, malnutrition, disease, illiteracy, and unemployment. To fulfill the vast promise of a new era, Africa must face these challenges. We must build classrooms and companies, increase the food supply and save the environment, and prevent disease before deadly epidemics break out.

The United States is ready to help you. First, my fellow Americans must leave behind the stereotypes that have warped our view and weakened our understanding of Africa. We need to come to know Africa as a place of new beginning and ancient wisdom from which, as my wife, our First Lady, said in her book, we have so much to learn. It is time for Americans to put a new Africa on our map.

Here in Independence Square, Ghana blazed the path of that new Africa. More than four decades ago, Kwame Nkrumah proposed what he called a "motion of destiny" as Ghana stepped forward as a free and independent nation. Today, Ghana again lights the way for Africa. Democracy is spreading. Business is growing. Trade and investment are rising. Ghana has the only African-owned company today on our New York Stock Exchange.

You have worked hard to preserve the peace in Africa and around the world—from Liberia to Lebanon, from Croatia to Cambodia. And you have given the world a statesman and peacemaker in Kofi Annan to lead the United Nations. The world admires your success. The United States admires your success. We see it taking root throughout the new Africa. And we stand ready to support it.

First, we want to work with Africa to nurture democracy, knowing it is never perfect or complete. We have learned in over 200 years that every day democracy must be defended and a more perfect union can always lie ahead. Democracy requires more than the insults and injustice and inequality that so many societies have known and America has known. Democracy requires human rights for everyone, everywhere, for men and women, for children and the elderly, for people of different cultures and tribes and backgrounds. A good society honors its entire family.

Second, democracy must have prosperity. Americans of both political parties want to increase trade and investment in Africa. We have an "African Growth and Opportunity Act" now before Congress. Both parties' leadership are supporting it. By opening markets and building businesses and creating jobs, we can help and strengthen each other. By supporting the education of your people, we can strengthen your future and help each other. For centuries, other nations exploited Africa's gold, Africa's diamonds, Africa's minerals. Now is the time for Africans to cultivate something more precious, the mind and heart of the people of Africa, through education.

Third, we must allow democracy and prosperity to take root without violence. We must work to resolve the war and genocide that still tear at the heart of Africa. We must help Africans to prevent future conflicts.

Here in Ghana, you have shown the world that different peoples can live together in harmony. You have proved that Africans of different countries can unite to help solve disputes in neighboring countries. Peace everywhere in Africa will give more free time and more money to the pressing needs of our children's future. The killing must stop if a new future is to begin.

Fourth and finally, for peace and prosperity and democracy to prevail, you must protect your magnificent natural domain. Africa is mankind's first home. We all came out of Africa. We must preserve the magnificent natural environment that is left. We must manage the water and forest. We must learn to live in harmony with other species. You must learn how to fight drought and famine and global warming. And we must share with you the technology that will enable you to preserve your environment and provide more economic opportunity to your people.

America has good reason to work with Africa: 30 million Americans, more than one in ten, proudly trace their heritage here. The first Peace Corps volunteers from America came to Ghana over 35 years ago; over 57,000 have served in Africa since then. Through blood ties and common endeavors, we know we share the same hopes and dreams to provide for ourselves and our children, to live in peace and worship freely, to build a better life than our parents knew and pass a brighter future on to our children. America needs Africa, America needs Ghana as a partner in the fight for a better future.

So many of our problems do not stop at any nation's border, international crime and terrorism and drug trafficking, the degradation of the environment, the spread of diseases like AIDS and malaria, and so many of our opportunities cannot stop at a nation's border. We need partners to deepen the meaning of democracy in America, in Africa, and throughout the world. We need partners to build prosperity. We need partners to live in peace. We will not build this new partnership overnight, but perseverance creates its own reward.

An Ashanti proverb tells us that by coming and going, a bird builds its nest. We will come and go with you and do all we can as you build the new Africa, a work that must begin here in Africa, not with aid or trade, though they are important, but first with ordinary citizens, especially the young people in this audience today. You must feel the winds of freedom blowing at your back, pushing you onward to a brighter future.

There are roughly 700 days left until the end of this century and the beginning of a new millennium. There are roughly 700 million Africans in sub-Saharan Africa. Every day and every individual is a precious opportunity. We do not have a moment to lose, and we do not have a person to lose.

I ask you, my friends, to let me indulge a moment of our shared history in closing. In 1957 our great civil rights leader, Martin Luther King, came to Accra to help represent our country as Ghana celebrated its independence. He was deeply moved by the birth of your nation.

Six years later, on the day after W.E.B. Du Bois died here in Ghana in 1963, Dr. King spoke to an enormous gathering like this in Washington. He said these simple words: "I have a dream, a dream that all Americans might live free and equal as brothers and sisters." His dream became the dream of our Nation and changed us in ways we could never have imagined. We are hardly finished, but we have traveled a long way on the wings of that dream.

Dr. Du Bois, a towering African-American intellectual, died here as a citizen of Ghana and a friend of Kwame Nkrumah. He once wrote, "The habit of democracy must be to encircle the Earth." Let us together resolve to complete the circle of democracy, to dream the dream that all people on the entire Earth will be free and equal, to begin a new century with that commitment to freedom and justice for all, to redeem the promise inscribed right here on Independence Arch. Let us find a future here in Africa, the cradle of humanity.

Medase. America dase [I thank you. America thanks you]. Thank you, and God bless you.


In the Other News 

The leader of the pan-Yoruba socio-political organisation, Afenifere, Chief Ayo Adebanjo, says the President, Major General Muhammadu Buhari (retd.), won’t hand over power to the National Leader of the All Progressives Congress, Bola Tinubu.

You can Also Read: Tinubu is Deceiving Himself Buhari will not Handover power to him in 2023-Yoruba Leader Chief Ayo Adebanjo Said

Traditional Marriage between Mr Obinna Pascal Amajuoyi and Uchenna Gracehelen Duru-Photo Grid

 On the 28th of February 2021 the Chairman of Binna Limited Obinna Pascal Amajuoyi got married to his heartrtod Uchenna Gracehelen Duru both from Imo State Nigeria.

It was a glamorous Occasion full with Traditional and African dignitaries.

Obinna Pascal Amajuoyi and Uchenna Duru


The Occasion grace by Traditional Rulers ,Chiefs and Clans head

Chief Nze Onyegbule Onyegbule greeting the Elders

Chief Vitus Amajuoyi Blessing the Kola 

Chief Vitus Amajuoyi and Engr Livinus Amajuoyi during the Bride price Negotiation

The father of the bride presenting Kola to his Guest

The Occassion was colorful and unique with pretty and happy faces celebrating along side with Couples

Mr Obinna Pascal Amajuoyi and his wife on their way to receive parental blessings  

The couples receiving family blessings

The Traditional marriage was a huge success and everyone was overwhelmed 

Both families 

Parents of the bride and grooms

Friends and well wishers

All friends and well wishers WE thank you ALL.

To God be the Glory ObiUche2021 was a huge success.


Reps To FG: Release N3bn For Local Production Of Firearms


The House of Representatives has called on President Muhammadu Buhari to provide and release N3 billion for the take off of local production of firearms and ammunition through collaboration between the Defence Industries Corporation (DICON) and National Metallurgical Development Center (NMDC).

The call was made after adoption of a motion moved by Rep. Abdullahi Ibrahim Halims during plenary on Monday.

Presenting the motion, he said, some efforts by the government of the Federal Republic of Nigeria to import arms and ammunitions from some western countries is being delayed or rejected.

“To me this is a clarion call for us to look inwards with the view to harness our abundant human and material resources to commence full local production of arms and ammunitions to meet our immediate needs and further drive our local contents initiative,” he said.

He reminded that, DICON had through the local content initiative produced a military vehicle called Ezeugwu MRAP (Mine Resistance Ambush Protected) which was commissioned by Mr President sometimes ago.

“And today it is been deployed in the battlefield in Borno state with confirmed efficacy and preference is been given to it by our soldiers compared to the imported version due it’s efficiency. (the cost far less than the imported version),” he added.

According to him, there is an existing memorandum of understanding (MOU) between DICON and NMDC on the objective of producing military equipment, arms and ammunitions.

“The benefits accruable to our country through this initiative will be enormous and indeed unquantifiable. Among which are – boost research and promote self-reliance in the local production of armory, weapons and other military equipment, conservation of foreign exchange, wealth creation and employment Opportunities for our teaming youths, aid our security agencies to effectively combat crimes and criminality and many other benefits too numerous to mention,” he added.

The House also mandated its committee on defence to coordinate the agencies of government involved while the committee on legislative compliance ensures compliance.

Bukola Saraki Celebrates His 58th Birthday Today

 Olubukola Abubakar Saraki, MBBS, CON (born 19 December 1962) is a Nigerian politician who was the 13th President of the Senate of Nigeria from 2015 to 2019 and Chair of the 8th Nigeria National Assembly. He was previously the Governor of Kwara State from 2003 to 2011; and was elected to the Senate in 2011, under the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), representing the Kwara Central Senatorial District, and then re-elected in the 2015 general elections under the platform of the All Progressives Congress (APC).

He left the ruling party, All Progressive Congress (APC) and returned to his former party People's Democratic Party (PDP) becoming an opposition leader, on 31 July 2018. Saraki declared his presidential campaign for the PDP presidential ticket in the 2019 election, but lost the primaries to Atiku Abubakar. He was subsequently announced as the director general of Atiku Abubakar's presidential campaign for the 2019 presidential election, which he lost to incumbent President Muhammadu Buhari.


Olubukola Abubakar Saraki was born on 19 December 1962 in London[5] to his mother Florence Morenike Saraki and his father Olusola Saraki, who was a Senator in the Second Nigerian Republic. Bukola Saraki is married to Toyin Saraki (née Ojora), they have four children together.


Saraki was educated at King's College, Lagos, where he graduated in 1978. He attended Cheltenham College, a public boarding school in the United Kingdom from 1979 to 1981. He then proceeded to London Hospital Medical College of the University of London from 1982 to 1987, where he received a Bachelor of Medicine, Bachelor of Surgery.

US unveils new map of Morocco that includes Sahara region

Washington has recognised Rabat’s sovereignty over the area as it agreed to establish ties with Israel

The United States adopted a "new official" map of Morocco that includes the Sahara, the American ambassador to Rabat announced.

"This map is a tangible representation of President Trump's bold proclamation two days ago – recognising Morocco's sovereignty over Western Sahara," Ambassador David Fischer said.

He then signed the "new official US government map of the kingdom of Morocco" at a ceremony at the US embassy in the capital Rabat.

The map will be presented to Morocco's King Mohammed VI, he added.

The Sahara region is a disputed and divided former Spanish colony, mostly under Morocco's control, where tensions with the pro-independence militant Polisario Front have simmered since the 1970s.

Morocco on Thursday became the fourth Arab state this year, after the United Arab Emirates, Bahrain and Sudan, to announce it had agreed to normalise relations with Israel.

US President Donald Trump in turn fulfilled a decades-old goal of Morocco by backing its sovereignty over the Sahara.

The UAE and Jordan both recently opened consulates in the Sahara region, further recognising the widely held position of most Arab states that the area is Moroccan.

Source:The Nation News 

Globalization And the Incoming World Order; The Realistic Views of World Power


Globalization, or globalisation (Commonwealth English; see spelling differences), is the process of interaction and integration among people, companies, and governments worldwide. Globalization has accelerated since the 18th century due to advances in transportation and communication technology. 

This increase in global interactions has caused a growth in international trade and the exchange of ideas and culture. Globalization is primarily an economic process of interaction and integration that is associated with social and cultural aspects. However, conflicts and diplomacy are also large parts of the history of globalization, and of modern globalization.

Economically, globalization involves goods, services, data, technology, and the economic resources of capital.

 The expansion of global markets liberalizes the economic activities of the exchange of goods and funds. Removal of cross-border trade barriers has made the formation of global markets more feasible.

 Advances in transportation, like the steam locomotive, steamship, jet engine, and container ships, and developments in telecommunication infrastructure, like the telegraph, Internet, and mobile phones, have been major factors in globalization and have generated further interdependence of economic and cultural activities around the globe.

Though many scholars place the origins of globalization in modern times, others trace its history to long before the European Age of Discovery and voyages to the New World, and some even to the third millennium BC

 The term globalization first appeared in the early 20th century (supplanting an earlier French term mondialization), developed its current meaning some time in the second half of the 20th century, and came into popular use in the 1990s.

 Large-scale globalization began in the 1820s, and in the late 19th century and early 20th century drove a rapid expansion in the connectivity of the world's economies and cultures.

In 2000, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) identified four basic aspects of globalization: trade and transactions, capital and investment movements, migration and movement of people, and the dissemination of knowledge.

 Environmental challenges such as global warming, cross-boundary water and air pollution, and over-fishing have been linked to globalization.

 Globalizing processes affect and are affected by business and work organization, economics, sociocultural resources, and the natural environment.

 Academic literature commonly divides globalization into three major areas: economic globalization, cultural globalization, and political globalization.


Idealists such as P.R. Sarkar, Charles Paprocki, R.G.H. Siu, Robert Muller and Titus North believe that a parliament of humanity or a world government democratically constituted by world citizens is humanity's natural progression from barbarism to civilization. 

Only internal fear, greed, hate and other emotions have kept humans from achieving this goal. The UN will realize its true mission as humans themselves move towards perfection. This is fundamentally the moralist-idealist position adopted by humanists, utopians, and spiritualists.

The future world is a mixture of sensate and ideational civilizations; an integrated world that is holistic, wherein there is economic balance between regions, between city and rural areas, between genders, and within the minds of each person . 

Individuals themselves have found a balance between the materialist and spiritual tendencies within themselves. In this vision of the future, nations gradually disappear and identity is reframed around bio-regions and other more rational, less sentimental (not religious, national, racial, territorial) forms of social organization.

Less inclusive is the Western liberal view of the long linear march of democracy; the perspective that democracy is the highest form of human social organization. The role of the UN is to facilitate democracy throughout the world, stamping out the structures and ideologies of feudalism, fascism, totalitarianism and racism.

 Democracy, however, is contained within the nation state. The United Nations stays primarily an organization of nations. People are collectively best joined within the nation-state rubric. Nations, however, can and should, join together to create a parliament of nations thus ensuring collective security.

Within the UN itself, within the framework of the nation-state, hierarchy of power is desirable since there are the wise and the foolish, the rational and the irrational, and the parent and the child. Eventually power and responsibility will be shared once the foolish change their ways and children grow up, once all nations become truly democratically representative.

 This has been a pervasive American model, democracy having originated in Greece and passed through Europe to finally rest in the US, it is believed. Now that communism is dead, it is only the chaos of the Third World that needs to be managed; that is, world order is primarily a function of implementation, merely a technique, to use Focauldian language.

 The image of the emerging world order is one where the principles of the European enlightenment and further articulated by the US State department are realized. The UN would ascertain that universal human rights are respected, that nations follow liberal models of economic growth, and that territorial boundaries are honored.

Achieving World Government; the Possibilities:

Because of the failure of the League of Nations to become a supernational authority, the UN was less idealistic in its goals, eventually focusing not on becoming a supernational authority but on developing mechanisms of regulating the balance of power between the two world blocks. 

As a result, general universal notions of justice or peace, behind the idea of collective security, were in practice abandoned, argues Satti. As a consequence, UN meetings became focused on theatrics of mass consumption in the home nations of leaders.

 However, with the end of the Cold War, the UN is once again at a transition phase, most argue. What type of UN results in the near future is dependent on a range of variables, including world geo-politics, the growth of the world economy, technological advancements, and the globalization of culture. In any case, the expectations of the UN are higher now, having reverted to an idealistic phase, at least towards the vision of global governance if not world government.

Radical reforms, for example, call for a consensus on global human rights, on denying sovereignty of criminal nations , for a world militia, that is, a UN organization which is more than the United Nations. Clearly, unlike the 1930's during the demise of the League, the UN is not irrelevant. As Boutros Boutros-Ghali has remarked, "The United Nations has almost too much credibility."

Given that the emerging world order is believed to be fraught with local and regional ethnic and religious conflicts, usually carryovers from colonial and communist days, the UN must expand its functions. 

The task of the UN now that the world is no longer bipolar is to expand peacekeeping and peacebuilding, to gradually move towards world governance on issues of ecology, development, human rights and other problems that no one nation-state can individually tackle. The goal of the UN is to aid in the original goal of the creation of a community of nations.

Realist view of world Governance 

From a realist view, critics such as Coral Bell, Keith Hindell, Frank Ching and Wang Kan Sang argue that any future of the UN must deal with the fact that it is primarily one-nation run and that all nations use it when it is to their political benefit. 

Thus, even though the actual balance of powers has shifted, governments remain committed to national self-interest. The realist discourse continues to dominate with global justice applied equally to all nations remaining an elusive, if not impossible, idea and reality. 

Thus the idealist future does not deal with the resentment small nations might feel toward big power hegemony. How will they find a voice in the UN as it becomes more active, remains the operating design question? If they cannot, then we should again expect to see the euphoria surrounding the UN transformed to the realization that it is merely a branch office of American foreign policy, argue critics.

In this realist position of the UN, the image of the future world order is that it will be primarily dominated by a few nations, those currently wealthy and having nuclear advantage. The UN will be used on a case by case basis to press military, strategic, economic and cultural advantages.

Alternatively, instead of a unipolar world, there is evidence that in terms of relative power (since no nation has economic, cultural, military and territorial domination) the most likely world future is that of a multipolar world. This assertion can have a range of consequences. 

First, instead of the assumption that the UN can easily restructure, now that traditional bi-polar tensions have diminished, it could mean that there will be more tensions, as not one but multiple hegemonic powers vie for who gets to run the world. Galtung argues that we might have an emerging Islamic power (two or three generations hence), India, China, Japan, and three Western (US, Europe, and Russia) hegemons. 

However since zones of power are clearly demarcated in this multipolar world order, structural reform of the UN might indeed be possible. There is a range of potential conflicts ahead which the UN must prepare to handle: (1) within spheres of interest; (2) between two hegemons and in border areas; (3) multipolar (uniting in pairs or other variations); (4) a coalition of hegemons (as in against Iraq); and, (5) a coalition of peripheries (they of course will not gain UN legitimacy since they were not victorious in the second world war).

Thus we would expect the UN to play a different role as it tries to accommodate the cultural and governance assumptions of these very different world powers. In this model of the future, we would expect continued efforts of India and Islamic nations to gain full-time Security Council membership, thus joining the US, France, England, Russia and China.

In any case, the guiding assumption is that the UN has come about for various reasons and its structures reflect these reasons. 

There is no grand march of history, no Geist, no divine force leading humanity to progress, to civilisation. Nor is there any a priori reason that nations should peacefully coexist. Power and its pursuit, in contrast, are natural. The Prince must rule, whatever guise he decides to use.

 Writer: Obinna Pascal Amajuoyi

Binnabook Publisher

Diego Maradona laid to rest in Argentina


Football legend Diego Maradona has been buried in a private ceremony after a day of emotional scenes in the Argentine capital Buenos Aires.

Only around two dozen relatives and close friends attended the final ceremony on Thursday.

But earlier huge crowds turned out to pay their respects, with many weeping, blowing kisses and praying as they filed past his coffin.

Maradona died of a heart attack on Wednesday aged 60.

His death triggered mourning around the world but nowhere was it felt more fiercely than in a country that saw him as a national hero.

Maradona's coffin - draped in Argentina's national flag and football shirt, bearing his trademark number 10 on the back - was on public display at the presidential palace on Thursday.

By mid-afternoon queues stretched back for more than a kilometre, and police clashed with mourners as they tried to close off the palace in anticipation of the wake scheduled for 16:00 local time (19:00 GMT).

There were reports of tear gas and rubber bullets being used as officers in riot gear struggled to hold back the crowd.

One well-wisher, Rubén Hernández, thought the police had overreacted.

"We were calm lining up and suddenly, the police started to fire rubber bullets," he said, quoted by Reuters news agency. "Crazy, I just want to say goodbye to Diego."

Authorities were eventually forced to stop public viewing of the coffin to keep the peace.

The motorised funeral cortege drove his body to the Bella Vista cemetery on the outskirts of the city, where he was buried next to the graves of his parents.

The atmosphere varied greatly outside the presidential palace. Those waiting to go in were singing and chanting.

"If you don't jump, you're English," is one of the favourite chants of Argentinians about the 1986 match with England and THAT goal - the Hand of God - something many here saw as a sort of payback after the Falklands War, known here as the Malvinas.

But on the other side of the square, there was another line with those coming out, many wiping away tears or hugging each other after processing what had happened.

This wasn't just the death of Argentina's superstar footballer, but the passing of a man that many saw as a national icon, a star who made Argentina famous - and most of all, a very human role-model who Argentinians loved, flaws and all.

A man who was respected for achieving so much, yet never forgetting his roots.

'He was everything for us'

At the Italian club Napoli, where Maradona played for seven years and transformed their fortunes, fans flocked to the stadium to pay their respects chanting "Diego, Diego!".

It is the second day people have defied a coronavirus lockdown to pay tribute, ahead of Napoli's closed-door Europa League fixture against the Croatian team Rijeka.

The Napoli team, who all stepped onto the pitch wearing black armbands and Maradona's No. 10 jersey, won the match 2-0.

He was unique, he represented everything, everything for us Neapolitans," fan Gianni Autiero told Reuters. "I have cried for only a few people in my life, and Diego is one of them."

One of the greatest football players of all time, Maradona had a troubled personal life marked by cocaine and alcohol addiction. He had successful surgery on a brain blood clot earlier in November and was to be treated for alcohol dependency.

Local media said the preliminary results of an autopsy showed he had suffered "acute heart failure".

media captionWatch all of Maradona's World Cup goals

The former Argentina attacking midfielder and manager died at his home in Tigre, near Buenos Aires. The last person to see Maradona alive was his nephew Johnny Esposito, according to statements gathered by officials.

Maradona is survived by five children and his former wife, 58-year-old Claudia Villafane, whom he split with in 2004 after 20 years of marriage.

After news of his death emerged, at 22:00 on Wednesday (01:00 GMT) - an hour chosen to match the number on his shirt - stadiums across Argentina switched on their floodlights to honour his memory.

Fans flocked to La Bombonera, Boca Juniors' stadium in Buenos Aires, where many were in tears.

Maradona, who also played for Barcelona, was captain of the national team when Argentina won the 1986 World Cup, scoring the famous "Hand of God" goal against England in the quarter-finals.

To score the goal, Maradona used his hand to deflect the ball past England goalkeeper Peter Shilton, but the referee did not see it. It remains one of the most controversial World Cup moments.

Former Tottenham midfielder Ossie Ardiles, who played alongside Maradona at the 1982 World Cup, told the BBC "he will be remembered as a genius in football".

Argentina and Barcelona forward Lionel Messi also paid tribute, writing on social media: "He has left us but he will never leave us because Diego is eternal."

Former England striker and Match of the Day host Gary Lineker, who was part of the England team beaten by Argentina at the 1986 World Cup, said Maradona was "by some distance, the best player of my generation and arguably the greatest of all time".

In a statement on social media, the Argentine Football Association expressed "its deepest sorrow for the death of our legend", adding: "You will always be in our hearts."


Jerry John Rawlings Lead the Execution of Ghana Former Leaders for Corruption- FLASHBACK 1979


Ghana's former head of state, Ignatius K. Acheampong, was executed by a military firing squad  after being convicted of squandering government funds

Gen. Acheampong, 47, was president of the West African nation for six years until he was deposed . He stood trial before a revolutionary court set up by a group of junior officers who seized power in a coup in 1979

Another British-trained officer, Lt. Gen. E. K. Utuka, former commander of Ghana's border guards, was found guilty of the same charges and executed with Acheampong.

The  coup was led by Flight Lt. Jerry Rawlings, overthrew Acheampong's successor, Gen. Fred Akuffo. 

Accra Radio said Acheampong and Utuka, 42, were convicted "on charges of using their positions to amass wealth while in office and recklessly dissipating state funds to the detriment of the country."

The executions were carried out at an Army firing range about four miles from the center of Accra. The same site was used for Ghana's last such execution, in May 1967, when two lieutenants were shot to death after an unsuccessful coup attempt.

Thousands of people watched on that occasion but today only a handful of reporters were allowed into the area. Civilians were kept away, and no relatives of either man were present.

Acheampong smiled and waved a white handkerchief to the reporters as he was driven off to his death.He and Utuka both had red hoods drawn over their heads before being shot.

Afterward the bodies were taken away for burial in a prison cemetery at Nsawam, north of Accra.

Shortly after the executions, Britain announced its formal recognition of Ghana's new military government. A Foreign Office spokesman in London refused to comment on the executions.

"It is a matter internal to Ghana," he said.

In such situations, the United States normally continues its diplomatic recognition of whatever government is in power, making no special decision with each change of government.

Acheampong and Utuka were shot two days before scheduled elections to return Ghana to civilian rule for the first time since 1972. The new military rulers have pledged the Ghana will return to civilian government as planned on Oct. 1.

On the eve of the executions, the ruling Revolutionary Council announced that cases against former officials accused of corruption were being heard by a special 15-member military tribunal. The council said those found guilty would be sentenced to death immediately.

But it was not known whether trials were continuing today or whether more executions were contemplated. A military spokesman said a statement would be issued later.

Acheampong was held in custody until last month, when he was released by the Akuffo government and banished to his home village of Iraboum, about 170 miles from the capital. At the same time he was stripped of all military rank.

As head of state, he presided over a period of unprecedented corruption and economic hardship that saw the once-prosperous West African state lose its influential role in regional affairs. By the time he was ousted, his government's maxim that "unity is strength" had become a joke. 

Source:Washington Post



The African diaspora community is one of America’s most diverse communities, inclusive of people who speak multiple languages, come from different socioeconomic backgrounds, and practice various faiths. While unique on some fronts, culturally, people of African descent also share similar values: supporting their families, creating opportunities for their communities, and contributing to America’s growth and prosperity. Joe Biden and Kamala Harris share these values and know that the next administration must understand what the current one does not: in America, no matter where you start in life or where your parents were born, there should be no barriers to your success and no limits to what you can achieve. As president and vice president, Joe Biden and Kamala Harris will rebuild our country in a way that brings everyone along. 


Since the 1970s, the African immigrant population in the United States has roughly doubled every decade. Through employment and educational exchange programs, many African immigrant communities have flourished in the United States, building a new generation of highly educated and socially conscious Africans throughout our country. Representing nearly 2 million first-generation Americans, it is one of the fastest growing immigrant groups.

As president, Biden will immediately do away with the Trump administration’s inhumane immigration policies. He is committed to:

Preserving the longstanding principle of our immigration system to reunite families and enhance our diversity.

Keeping families together by providing a roadmap to citizenship for nearly 11 million undocumented immigrants, including Dreamers.

Reversing the travel bans aimed at decreasing legal immigration to the U.S., including the Muslim travel ban which has severely impacted Nigerian, Sudanese, Somalian, and other diaspora communities.

Restoring America’s historic commitment as a place of refuge for those fleeing war or persecution. 


The COVID-19 pandemic has led to millions of people losing their jobs, pay, and health care, and hundreds of thousands of small businesses closing for good. President Trump’s failed response to the pandemic has only worsened the economic crisis in our country, including in the African diaspora community. A stronger, more effective reopening requires putting measures in place to ensure workplace safety, to restore consumer confidence, to support communities and small businesses, and to provide all Americans with the help they need to get back to work. Biden believes this is the moment to imagine and build a new American economy for our families and for the next generation. His Build Back Better plan will: 

Mobilize American manufacturing and innovation, creating millions of good-paying union jobs.

Build a modern infrastructure and an equitable, clean-energy future to meet the climate crisis.

Build a 21st-century caregiving and education workforce, making it far easier to afford child care and to ensure aging relatives and people with disabilities have better access to home and community-based care.

Advance racial equity, closing the racial wealth gap by expanding affordable housing, investing in Black, Latino, and Native American entrepreneurs and communities, advancing policing and criminal justice reform, and making real the promise of educational opportunity regardless of race or ZIP code.

Update the social contract that treats American workers as essential at all times, not just times of crisis –– with higher wages, stronger benefits, and fair and safe workplaces.

Help small businesses and entrepreneurs, the backbone of our country, come out the other side of this crisis strong, with increased access to capital. 


The African diaspora community understands education is a path to employment and economic security. Joe Biden is proposing a comprehensive plan to invest in children’s education from birth through 12th grade, as well as for educating and training Americans beyond high school. As president, Biden will:

Support our educators by giving them the pay and respect they deserve.

Ensure that ZIP code, income, race, or disability does not determine any child’s future or ability to attend college or university by eliminating funding gaps, providing universal preschool to all 3- and 4-year olds, and investing resources to help students grow into physically and emotionally healthy adults.  

Provide access to affordable education and training beyond high school, tackle unmanageable student loan debt, and support colleges and universities that play unique and vital roles in their communities, including Historically Black Colleges and Universities and Minority-Serving Institutions.

Health Care Workers

Members of the African diaspora have bravely stood on the front lines fighting against COVID-19. Many are the doctors and nurses who have been treating the infected and compassionate nursing home staff who have been caring for the elderly. Biden’s plan will:

Ensure all frontline workers receive appropriate personal protective equipment (PPE) and appropriate training to use it and COVID-19 testing based upon their risk of exposure to the virus.

Establish and enforce health and safety standards for workplaces.

Ensure every person has access to free COVID-19 testing, treatment, preventative services, and vaccines, when they become available.  

Accelerate the testing and deployment of innovative solutions that improve quality of care and increase wages for low-wage health care workers.

U.S. – Africa Policy

Biden will bring to the presidency decades of foreign policy experience and a demonstrated commitment to Africa. He will renew the United States’ mutually respectful engagement toward Africa with a bold strategy that reaffirms our commitment to supporting democratic institutions on the continent; advancing lasting peace and security; promoting economic growth, trade, and investment; and supporting sustainable development. Biden will advance these objectives by:

Asserting America’s commitment to shared prosperity, peace and security, democracy, and governance as foundational principles of U.S.-Africa engagement. 

Restoring and reinvigorating diplomatic relations with African governments and regional institutions, including the African Union.

Ensuring the U.S. Government and U.S. Foreign Service reflect the rich composition of the American citizenry, including African diaspora professionals.

Continuing the Young African Leaders Initiative and deepening America’s commitment to engage with Africa’s dynamic young leaders. 

Google Celebrate Anton Wilhelm Amo on 10/10/2020-Anton Wilhelm Amo Ghanaian-German philosopher


Anton Wilhelm Amo or Anthony William Amo (c. 1703 – c. 1759) was a Ghanaian philosopher from what is now Ghana. Amo was a teacher at the universities of Halle and Jena in Germany after studying there. Brought to Germany by the Dutch West India Company in 1707 as a child, and given as a gift to the Dukes of August Wilhelm and Ludwig Rudolf von Wolfenbüttel, he was treated as a member of the family of Anthony Ulrich, Duke of Brunswick-Wolfenbüttel, he was the first African known to have attended a European university.


Amo was a Nzema (an Akan people). He was born in Awukena in the Axim region of present-day Ghana, but at the age of about four he was taken to Amsterdam by the Dutch West India Company. Some accounts say that he was taken as a slave, others that he was sent to Amsterdam by a preacher working in Ghana. The truth of the matter is that he was given as a "present" to Anthony Ulrich, Duke of Brunswick-Wolfenbüttel, to whose palace in Wolfenbüttel he was taken.

Amo was baptised (and later confirmed) in the palace's chapel. He was treated as a member of the Duke's family, and was educated at the Wolfenbüttel Ritter-Akademie (1717–21) and at the University of Helmstedt (1721–27).

He went on to the University of Halle, whose Law School he entered in 1727. He finished his preliminary studies within two years, titling his thesis: Dissertatio Inauguralis De Jure Maurorum in Europa (1729). This manuscript on The Rights of Moors in Europe is lost, but a summary was published in his university's Annals (1730). For his further studies Amo moved to the University of Wittenberg, studying logic, metaphysics, physiology, astronomy, history, law, theology, politics, and medicine, and mastered six languages (English, French, Dutch, Latin, Greek, and German). His medical education in particular was to play a central role in much of his later philosophical thought.

He gained his doctorate in philosophy at Wittenberg in 1734; his thesis (published as On the Absence of Sensation in the Human Mind and its Presence in our Organic and Living Body) argued against Cartesian dualism in favour of a broadly materialist account of the person. He accepted that it is correct to talk of a mind or soul, but argued that it is the body rather than the mind which perceives and feels.

Whatever feels, lives; whatever lives, depends on nourishment; whatever lives and depends on nourishment grows; whatever is of this nature is in the end resolved into its basic principles; whatever comes to be resolved into its basic principles is a complex; every complex has its constituent parts; whatever this is true of is a divisible body. If therefore the human mind feels, it follows that it is a divisible body.

Google Celebrate Anton Wilhelm Amo on 10/10/2020


Amo returned to the University of Halle to lecture in philosophy under his preferred name of Antonius Guilelmus Amo Afer. In 1736 he was made a professor. From his lectures, he produced his second major work in 1738, Treatise on the Art of Philosophising Soberly and Accurately, in which he developed an empiricist epistemology very close to but distinct from that of philosophers such as John Locke and David Hume. In it he also examined and criticised faults such as intellectual dishonesty, dogmatism, and prejudice.

In 1740 Amo took up a post in philosophy at the University of Jena, but while there he experienced a number of changes for the worse. The Duke of Brunswick-Wolfenbüttel had died in 1735, leaving him without his long-standing patron and protector. That coincided with social changes in Germany, which was becoming intellectually and morally narrower and less liberal. Those who argued against the secularisation of education (and against the rights of Africans in Europe) were regaining their ascendancy over those (such as Christian Wolff) who campaigned for greater academic and social freedom.

Amo was subjected to an unpleasant campaign by some of his enemies, including a public lampoon staged at a theatre in Halle. He finally decided to return to the land of his birth. He set sail on a Dutch West India Company ship to Ghana via Guinea, arriving in about 1747; his father and a sister were still living there. His life from then on becomes more obscure. According to at least one report, he was taken to a Dutch fortress, Fort San Sebastian in Shama, in the 1750s, possibly to prevent him sowing dissent among his people. The exact date, place, and manner of his death are unknown, though he probably died in about 1759 at the fort in Chama in Ghana.

Later, during the time of German idealism and romanticism, Amo's philosophical work was ignored by other Jena-based German intellectuals such as Schiller, Fichte, Schelling, Hegel, Brentano, and the Schlegel brothers.

Rare Gold Coin Of Julius Caesar's Assasination Resurfaces After 2000 Years (Pix)

 An incredibly rare Roman coin commemorating the assassination of Julius Caesar could be worth millions of dollars.

The golden coin has resurfaced after being hidden away in a private collection – and is just one of three in the world.

On the front of the coin is the face of Brutus, who famously killed Caesar at the Theatre of Pompey in Rome in 44BC. And the back depicts two daggers flanking a pileup – a type of cap given to free Roman slaves.

It's believed that this was to signify Rome was free from Caesar, who was seen by some to be a cruel and power-hungry dictator.

This type of coin is known as 'Ides of March', which is how the Romans marked March 15. Caesar was killed on the Ides of March, and this coin was created to commemorate the event just two years later.

"It was made in 42BC, two years after the famous assassination," said Mark Salzberg, of Numismatic Guaranty Corporation, which verified the coin.

"The front has a portrait of Marcus Junius Brutus, one of Caesar's assassins. "And the other side dramatically has two daggers and the words EID MAR, a Latin abbreviation for Ides of March."

There are around 100 Ides of March coins made from silver around the world. But just three examples of a golden Ides of March coin are known.

This particular coin is in mint condition, and was held in a private European collection. It's due to be auctioned by Roma Numismatics on October 29, and could fetch millions.

"The conservative pre-auction estimate is £500,000," said Salzburg. "But considering the coin's rarity, artistry and fabled place in history, I would not be surprised if it sold for several million."

Caesar is one of Rome's most famous rulers, known for his military expertise, skilled economics and political reforms. But many Roman senators saw Caesar as power-mad, some of whom eventually plotted to kill him.

He was assassinated on March 15 during a senate meeting at the Theatre of Pompey. A group of senators stabbed Caesar 23 times, claiming the act as "tyrannicide" – killing a tyrant.

It's believed that as many as 60 senators were involved in the conspiracy, and were led by Marcus Brutus, Gaius Cassius and Decimus Brutus.

Soon after, the Roman Republic gave way to the Roman Empire – as Caesar himself was never considered an emperor by historical standards.

After his death, Caesar was cremated and the Temple of Caesar was erected on the same site. Parts of the structure still stand today.

Frederick Lugard British colonial administrator-History,Love life and Death

Frederick Lugard, in full Frederick John Dealtry Lugard, Baron Lugard of Abinger, also called F.D. Lugard, (born January 22, 1858, Fort St. George, Madras, India—died April 11, 1945, Abinger, Surrey, England), administrator who played a major part in Britain’s colonial history between 1888 and 1945, serving in East Africa, West Africa, and Hong Kong. His name is especially associated with Nigeria, where he served as high commissioner (1900–06) and governor and governor-general (1912–19). He was knighted in 1901 and raised to the peerage in 1928.

Born in India of missionary parents, Lugard was educated in England and, after briefly attending the Royal Military College at Sandhurst, joined the Norfolk Regiment. Posted to India and swept into the British imperial advance of the 1880s, he served in the Afghan, Suakin (Sudan), and Burma (Myanmar) campaigns. An officer with a promising career ahead of him in British India, he experienced a catastrophic love affair with a married woman. Highly strung and undermined by Burma fever, he sought oblivion by following the explorer David Livingstone’s lead in fighting Arab slave raiders in eastern Africa. In 1888 he was severely wounded while leading an attack upon a slaver’s stockade near Lake Nyasa. But he had found his life’s work in service for Africa and for Britain—work that he saw as having a mutually beneficial purpose.

His next enterprise was under the imperial British East Africa Company, one of the chartered companies that preceded imperial annexation in Africa. Leaving Mombasa in August 1890, he led a caravan for five months along an almost untrodden route of 800 miles (1,300 km) to the advanced kingdom of Buganda. Here he found a complex struggle going on among animists, Muslims, Protestants, and Roman Catholics—the latter two groups converted by British and French missionaries who had reached Buganda earlier by a southern route—and the nominal king, or kabaka. Within 18 months—not without a brief use of his one operative Maxim gun—Lugard imposed peace, carried out an immense march to the west, and won a treaty of allegiance from the kabaka. Hearing that his company meant to abandon Uganda because of mounting expenses, he hurriedly returned to England to fight a successful two-pronged campaign to defend, first, the retention of Uganda in addition to imperial annexation and, second, his own reputation against accusations of harshness and injustice.

In 1894–95 Lugard accepted another dangerous mission, this time for the Royal Niger Company, to race the French in a treaty-making exploration on the Middle Niger. He succeeded in that enterprise in spite of great hardships—including a poisoned arrow in his head. From the Niger he went, again at some risk to his life, to the semidesert of the Bechuanaland Protectorate for the private British West Charterland Company, which was prospecting for diamonds. There he was tracked down by a runner sent by the colonial secretary, Joseph Chamberlain, to offer him his first official government appointment. He was to create a British-officered African regiment that he was to employ in a second attempt to fend off the French, who then were competing with the British right across Africa from the Niger to the Nile. This was to become the famous West African Frontier Force. Lugard’s success in this difficult undertaking led to his appointment as high commissioner for Northern Nigeria.

Most of this vast region of 300,000 square miles (800,000 square km) was still unoccupied and even unexplored by Europeans. In the south were pagan tribes and in the north, historic Muslim city-states with large walled cities whose emirs raided the tribal territories to the south for slaves. In three years, by diplomacy or the swift use of his small force, Lugard established British control, though in hastening to take the major states of Kano and Sokoto he forced the hands of his more cautious home government. Only two serious local revolts marred the widespread acceptance and cooperation that Lugard obtained. His policy was to support the native states and chieftainships, their laws and their courts, forbidding slave raiding and cruel punishments and exercising control centrally through the native rulers.

This system, cooperative in spirit and economical in staff and expense, he elaborated on in his detailed political memorandums. It greatly influenced British administration in Africa and beyond. Though sometimes misapplied or overprolonged, it helped bridge the gap between tribal systems and the new movements toward democracy and unity. Lugard’s main fault as an administrator was an unwillingness to delegate responsibility, but the variety of the conditions and the vast distances acted as a check on this fault. If some of his officers were critical, the majority greatly respected their chief, and a number of “Lugard’s men” went on to govern other territories in Africa.

In 1902 Lugard married Flora Shaw, a beautiful and famous woman, herself a great traveler, an authority upon colonial policy, and a member of the staff of The Times of London. A very deep devotion and partnership grew up between them. Because she could not stand the Nigerian climate, Lugard felt obliged to leave Africa and to accept the governorship of Hong Kong, which he held from 1907 to 1912. No greater contrast could be imagined than that between the vast untamed expanse of Northern Nigeria and the small island of Hong Kong with its highly civilized Chinese and sophisticated commercial British community. But the bushwhacker from Africa achieved a surprising degree of success and, on his own initiative, founded the University of Hong Kong.

He could not, however, resist the great opportunity offered to him in 1912 to unite the two parts of Nigeria into one vast state. The south and north showed wide contrasts in their original character and in their traditions of British rule. It was an immense task to unify their administration. Lugard did not attempt a complete fusion of their systems and retained a degree of dualism between south and north. He found the south, especially the sophisticated Africans of Lagos and the southeast, less easy to understand than the northerners, and in 1918 he had to deal with a serious outbreak in the important city-state of Abeokuta. Nor did he find it easy to extend the principles of indirect rule to the loosely organized societies of the Igbo (Ibo) and other southeastern tribes. His tenure of office also was made more difficult by World War I, with its interruption of communications, its resultant shortages of staff, and the war with the Germans in the Cameroons along his eastern frontier. Yet, in the main, Lugard carried through an immense task of unification, which was officially declared on January 1, 1914. Historians must judge the event by the decision of the Nigerians to obtain their independence in 1960 as a united state and to defend it against the attempted Igbo secession to set up an independent state, Biafra, in the late 1960s.

In 1919 he retired, but only to a life of unceasing activity in his role as the leading authority on colonial government. He wrote his classic Dual Mandate in British Tropical Africa, published in 1922. In 1928 he became Baron Lugard of Abinger and spoke with authority in the House of Lords on colonial subjects. He became British member of the Permanent Mandates Commission and of the International Committees on Slavery and Forced Labour and chairman of the International Institute of African Languages and Cultures. To the end of his life, deeply saddened by the death of his wife in 1929, he worked almost incessantly in his secluded house on a survey of matters affecting the interests of native races both inside and outside the British Empire.

Though to modern critics of colonialism there may seem much to criticize in his ideas and actions, there can be no questioning the great range and effectiveness of the three periods of his work: in the opening up of Africa; in its government at a most formative stage in its history; and as elder statesman working during his so-called retirement almost up to his death.


Can Mali Escape Its Past?


This week, after weeks of protests over terrorism and corruption, Mali’s military arrested the country’s prime minister, Boubou Cissé, and president, Ibrahim Boubacar Keita, who soon officially resigned his post. In the days since, powers around the world, including France, the United Nations, United States, and the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), have demanded the reinstatement of the elected government—even as many Malians have cheered its demise. The international community’s calls are unlikely to go heeded, and Mali seems set for more unrest in the days ahead.

To help explain how the country—once considered a key example of stability and democracy in the region—got here and what may follow, we’ve collected our best reads from the last few years.

The timing of the military’s action against Keita and Cissé may have come as a surprise, but the fact that the armed forces stepped in probably should not have been. In fact, it follows “a similar coup in 2012 that originated from the army base in the town of Kati, where Keita and Cissé are currently being held,” wrote the journalist Philip Obaji Jr. That coup “toppled then-President Amadou Toumani Touré and contributed to the fall of northern Mali to Islamist militants.” After a resolution at the U.N. Security Council that followed an official request for help from Mali’s interim government, France intervened in an operation that helped lead in 2015 to a peace agreement between the government and northern armed groups.

The French presence has continued in some form until today, yet so has the violence. As the terrorism expert James Blake wrote in 2019, Mali is populated by many different groups, all with complicated relationships. Their grievances are “long-standing,” he explained, “often relating to disputes over land and water.” And whereas disagreements used to be quickly resolved, “containing the fighting is getting harder and harder to do,” particularly because jihadi groups became adept at exploiting local concerns. In March last year, that violence seemed to enter a new phase when “100 armed men dressed as ethnic Dogon hunters stormed the village of Ogossagou in central Mali,” Blake explained. After killing more than 160 ethnic Fulani civilians, many homes were burned the ground. At the time, it was “the latest and most deadly episode in a campaign of systematic violence against Fulani herders, who are being forced to flee their land,” and looked likely to set off counterattacks.

A month after the strike on Ogossagou, the prime minister and the government resigned. As Leiden University’s Liesbeth van der Heide reported at the time, the chain of events was a sign that little had improved since the start of the French intervention. There had been scant progress on disarming rebel groups, she explained, and the “decentralization policy” enacted after the 2012-2015 war that “was meant to provide communities in the north with more autonomy in the hope that inclusion in governance would prevent local groups from taking up arms” had been ineffective and mismanaged. “In response, armed groups that control large swaths of territories in northern and central Mali are carving out a political and administrative role by force.” Such problems, she argued, wouldn’t go away just because one government replaced another.

She was correct. Throughout 2019, Mali remained on edge. In December, reported Foreign Policy’s Robbie Gramer, the Trump administration was “preparing to create a new special envoy position and task force to deal with security threats in the Sahel region of Africa, reflecting a growing alarm in Washington about the rise of extremist groups in West Africa, including ones affiliated with the Islamic State,” a measure that came as extremist groups carried out “increasingly deadly attacks in Mali, Niger, and Burkina Faso and spread their reach further south.” One reason for the uptick in violence, explained the experts Jacob Zenn and Colin P. Clarke, was that an apparent truce between al Qaeda and the Islamic State in the region had fallen apart, leading to a rise in scuffles between local affiliates.

By the summer, and in the middle of the COVID-19 pandemic, some kind of reckoning seemed unavoidable. “Too many Malians—particularly the young, who make up a third of the country’s workforce—have no work. Unemployment among young people has reached almost 15 percent, up from 7 percent eight years ago before Keita took office,” Obaji noted. “The country’s poverty rate has increased from 45 percent in 2013 to almost 50 percent today. More Malians were displaced by insecurity in 2019 than at any time in the country’s history. The health care system is in shambles, and the threat of violence has left millions of kids without schools. Despite French military intervention, violent extremist groups—one of which kidnapped a perpetual runner-up in presidential elections—are still very active in parts of the country.”

With the Keita administration now out, observers are wary of what may follow. “Insisting that the Keita government be replaced by other politicians,” Obaji wrote, “will only mean bringing in another group of people who will likely use power for their personal benefit, thereby maintaining the status quo and leaving much of the country discontented.” Yet a military regime seems like a bad option, too. “France, the United States, the African Union, and ECOWAS must act to force the military to stand down,” urged Vicki J. Huddleston, who was U.S. ambassador to Mali between 2002 and 2005, and Witney Schneidman, a former U.S. deputy assistant secretary of state for African affairs. “Once calm is restored and mediation efforts led by ECOWAS are resumed, negotiations must result in the selection of an interim president and prime minister that are acceptable to Keita’s party and the June 5 Movement.” Even more than that, “France and the United States should lead the international community in providing a comprehensive economic recovery plan similar to the Marshall Plan for postwar Europe that covers Mauritania, Niger, Mali, and Burkina Faso.” Without sustained investment along those lines, the problems that have plagued Mali for years may only intensify.

Cuba Adopts Cryptocurrency as Part of Communist Party Agenda

 Cryptocurrency is now officially part of the Communist Party agenda in Cuba. Over the weekend, Cuba’s government adopted a proposal to incl...




COPYRIGHT: All rights reserved. This material and any other material on this platform may not be reproduced, published, written in full or in part, without written permission from BINNABOOK PUBLISHERS.But you can share through the social Media